By Miles Layton

HYDE COUNTY — By the time Donnie Blount set foot on the road toward Raleigh in February 1969, Hyde County’s African American community had already endured years of exclusion, frustration and sacrifice. What began as a local fight over schools on North Carolina’s Inner Banks would grow into a movement that drew national attention, tested the resolve of a rural county, and permanently reshaped public education in Hyde County.

More than half a century later, Blount, now 73, still speaks plainly about why he marched.

“We have rights just like everybody else,” he said. “They want to take our schools and do what they wanted to do with them and we didn’t feel that they should do that, so that’s why we protested.”

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A county divided by policy

Hyde County sits along the Pamlico Sound, a sparsely populated stretch of eastern North Carolina known for its isolation and close-knit communities. In the mid-to-late 1960s, those communities were sharply divided by race, particularly when it came to education.

After the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision, Hyde County built new schools for African American students in grades 1 through 12. Despite the ruling, the system remained segregated. When the Civil Rights Act of 1964 gave the federal government authority to withhold education funds from non-compliant school systems, Hyde County officials moved to dismantle their dual system.

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The solution proposed by the White-controlled Hyde County Board of Education was consolidation. Board members sought to expand the Whites-only Mattamuskeet School, close the county’s two traditionally Black schools—Davis High School in Engelhard and O.A.P. High School in Swan Quarter—and send all students to one centralized campus.

To African American families, the plan felt like a one-way integration that erased history and ignored lived realities. It meant longer bus rides for Black children, the loss of schools that anchored their communities, and the potential displacement of Black teachers and administrators. Perhaps most galling was how the plan was developed.

Black leaders were not invited into the discussions.

“The African American community’s voice had been absent from the proceedings,” Blount said, echoing what many residents felt at the time.

A grassroots response

Rather than accept the plan, Hyde County’s Black residents organized.

Taking a bottom-up approach, they formed what became known as the Committee of 14—six men and eight women, representing each Black religious denomination in the county. Their goal was simple: understand what the school board was planning and demand a seat at the table.

At first, progress was slow. The committee eventually sought help from Golden Frinks, the state field director of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). Frinks was initially reluctant, but he became a critical advisor as the movement took shape.

The early protests were quiet. Residents marched from one community to another within Hyde County, hoping to draw attention. The marches, however, attracted little media coverage.

So the strategy changed.

Black residents staged sit-ins at the Hyde County Board of Education offices. Tensions escalated throughout 1968, culminating in violence that November when the courthouse in Swan Quarter was stormed. Vehicles were damaged. School property was trashed. Tear gas was deployed against demonstrators.

The response from authorities was swift and heavy. One Highway Patrol trooper assigned to Hyde County was joined by 11 more from neighboring counties. In a single day, 71 teenagers were arrested. The county welfare department threatened to cut off benefits to 31 families in an attempt to halt protests and discourage school absenteeism. Another demonstration involving about 150 students was forcibly dispersed.

Instead of quelling resistance, the crackdown drew widespread media attention. What had once been a local dispute was now deemed to have national significance.

National SCLC leaders, including Ralph Abernathy, came to Hyde County. The movement was no longer confined to the Inner Banks.

A group of young protesters marching down the street holding signs advocating for the preservation of black schools in Hyde.

Walking toward Raleigh

Out of that moment came a bold decision: a march on the state capital.

In February 1969, approximately 600 people converged on Raleigh to demand fair treatment and genuine integration in Hyde County schools. Donnie Blount was among them, just 17 years old at the time.

“We left one Sunday, went from Swan Quarter all the way to Raleigh,” Blount recalled. “We would march through the city limits and then we stayed with different people in the neighborhood. We stopped in Belhaven. We did walk from Swan Quarter to Belhaven. That night we stayed with people from Belhaven. We got up the next day and went to Washington and on until we got to Raleigh.”

It was not a continuous walk from Hyde County to the capital, but it was grueling nonetheless—days of marching, relying on the generosity of strangers, fueled by a shared sense of purpose.

Blount said he cannot put an exact number on how many marched with him.

“There was a lot of people,” he said. “I can’t estimate how many it was because it’s been a long time.”

Despite the tension surrounding the protests back home, fear was not what he remembers most.

“I really wasn’t fully aware of what was going on at the time, so no, I didn’t get scared,” Blount said.

What he was aware of, even at 17, was that something fundamental was at stake.

Two plans, one decision

As pressure mounted, Hyde County officials were forced to act. A new superintendent, eager to resolve the crisis, presented two competing plans for the 1969-1970 school year.

Plan One called for closing the two Black schools and transferring all students to Mattamuskeet School. To accommodate the larger student body, it included a $500,000 bond referendum to expand the consolidated campus.

Plan Two proposed a different approach: use the existing Black schools as elementary schools and convert Mattamuskeet into a high school. The advantages were clear—minimal costs, shorter bus routes, and a separation between elementary and high school students.

For the first time, the county’s white and Black communities met together to decide the future of their schools. Protests were postponed until after the bond election.

When the votes were counted, the result was decisive. By a four-to-one margin, Hyde County voters defeated the bond referendum.

With Plan One rejected, Plan Two was implemented.

The outcome marked a turning point. Schools were integrated. Bus routes were shorter. Decision-making became more inclusive. While not perfect, it represented a compromise forged through protest rather than imposed from above.

Back to school—and beyond

When the movement ended, life did not pause.

“When the movement was over, we still had to go back to school,” Blount said.

At the time, he was a junior at Davis High School in Engelhard. The following year, Hyde County schools were fully integrated.

“All the Black and white kids went to Mattamuskeet High School,” he said.

Integration, at least initially, was uneventful.

“Just like a regular school day. We got along pretty well,” Blount said.

But tensions did not disappear overnight. A few years later, controversy erupted over a valedictorian selection.

“There was a problem between some student who was supposed to be the valedictorian and they gave it to somebody that didn’t have the average and the kids found out about it,” Blount recalled. “One day they just got up out of class and walked out.”

That protest occurred during the 1971-1972 school year, a reminder that integration was a process, not a single event.

From student to teacher

After graduating high school, Blount left Hyde County to attend North Carolina A&T State University.

“I graduated from there in ’75,” he said.

Then he came home.

“I went home to teach,” Blount said.

He began teaching at Mattamuskeet High School in the 1976-1977 school year and remained there for nearly four decades, retiring in 2014.

“I taught there for 38 years,” he said.

Blount started as a social studies teacher. Later, when an art position opened, he took on that role as well. He also coached basketball, contributing to a program that became a point of pride for the school.

Over the years, he saw Mattamuskeet from every angle—as a student shaped by integration and as an educator guiding new generations through it.

Lessons of nonviolence

Looking back, Blount believes the Hyde County Movement still has something to teach.

“You can make a change without violence and that’s always what we believed in, non-violence,” he said.

The marches, sit-ins and boycotts were disruptive, but they were rooted in a belief that moral pressure could force institutions to listen. Even when violence erupted around the protests, the movement’s core principles remained intact.

Asked whether race relations in Hyde County have changed since those years, Blount paused.

“Maybe a little bit, but not a whole lot,” he said.

People interact more now than they once did, he noted.

“Back then a lot of people pretty much stayed to themselves,” Blount said. “It’s a little bit different.”

Is it better?

“Maybe a little bit better,” he said.

Still, his optimism is cautious.

“They’ve changed, but I don’t know. It seems like at least some, in some areas it’s turning back toward what it used to be like,” Blount said.

Does that concern him?

“Yes, in a way it does.”

A road that still matters

The road from Swan Quarter to Raleigh is long, both in miles and in memory. For Donnie Blount, it represents a moment when ordinary people from a rural county forced the state to pay attention.

He was 17 then, walking not just for himself but for his classmates, his teachers, and the generations that would follow. He would go on to spend his life inside the very system he once challenged, teaching, coaching and shaping young minds at Mattamuskeet High School.

Today, the Hyde County Movement is often reduced to a footnote in civil rights history. But for those who lived it, and for those who benefit from its outcome, it remains a testament to what collective action can accomplish.

As Blount sees it, the lesson is simple and enduring: speak up, stand together, and keep walking—even when the destination feels impossibly far.

Thanks go to Margie Brooks for connecting me with Donnie Blount. Photos come from the State Archives

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4 responses to “He Walked for the Right to Be Heard: Donnie Blount and Hyde County’s March to Raleigh”

  1. Juanita McClaud-Midgette Avatar
    Juanita McClaud-Midgette

    Thanks for this highly informative, well-written article. Many of the participants in this movement are my kinfolks. During this era, I was an undergraduate student at North Carolina Central University. However, I am a proud graduate of Davis High School, Engelhard, NC. The knowledge gained and side effects of this movement and just the yearning to understand the “why behind the why” of segregation vs. integration motivated me to test this concept in schooling by journeying first from a segregated high school to a HBCU, then on to a predominately white Ivy League university.

    1. James Bam Bam Spencer Burrus Avatar
      James Bam Bam Spencer Burrus

      I James Bam Bam Spencer, Burrus. Thank Mr. Donnie Blount and so many other for the movement they performs. Rondy Collins, Van Gibbs, Judy Gibbs, Osier Spencer, The Mackey family, The Burrus family, The Bryant family, The Midgette family, The McCoy family, The Davis family, The Brown family, and so many more. Dorothy Collins told me all about it as I grow up. I like to show Love to all . Who had to endure the torment. So we can go to school together have better lives. For I rights to be heard. Much Love ❣️

      1. Miles Layton Avatar

        Thanks for reading — Miles

  2. Minnie champion Avatar

    Minnie Champion.i had already graduated but the movement was beautiful. I had sister and brothers that were still going there and all turned out for everyone else. Thank you

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