Author Nick Bryant Claims CIA Plot and “Big Lie” By Woodward Drove Watergate in Shawn Ryan Interview

Editor’s Note: I’ve always suspected that there’s more than meets the eye to the official version of Watergate — this interview (see the book for more) that the Deep State, combined with internal forces within Richard Nixon’s administration, conspired to end his presidency — echoes of what’s been happening to President Trump.

Podcaster Shawn Ryan recently hosted author Nick Bryant for a sweeping and controversial discussion of Watergate, challenging what Bryant called the “false narrative that our history books have imparted about the infamous Watergate affair.” If you want to know more, click this link. 

Bryant, author of The Truth About Watergate: A Tale of Extraordinary Lies and Liars, argued during the interview that the 1972 break-in and its aftermath were not simply a bungled political espionage effort, but “a conspiracy within a conspiracy” involving the CIA, internal White House rivalries and a hidden blackmail operation.

“Here’s the dirty little secret, and this is Woodward’s big lie: Nixon knew that the CIA had participated in the JFK hit,” Bryant said, referring to former President Richard Nixon. “It’s on the tapes. ‘Who shot John? Who shot John?’ … And they leave. Helms double-crosses Nixon.”

Bryant contended that two parallel plots defined Watergate. “The big thing with Watergate is … there were two conspiracies going on, but the first conspiracy was the CIA trying to bring down the Nixon administration,” he said. He cited major leaks — including the Pentagon Papers — as evidence of intelligence community efforts to destabilize Nixon.

According to Bryant, White House aide John Ehrlichman formed the Plumbers to stop the leaks. “Ehrlichman put together a crew called the Plumbers, and the raison d’être for the Plumbers was to plug leaks,” Bryant said. But he alleged that CIA-connected operatives E. Howard Hunt and James McCord infiltrated the unit. “They penetrated the Plumbers,” Bryant said, adding that “McCord and Hunt … were like super spooks, and they just ran circles around Liddy.”

Bryant described a second dynamic involving a brothel near the Watergate complex. He alleged that a woman named Heidi Rikan “ran a brothel that was a block away from the Watergate,” frequented by Democratic officials and secretly filmed by the CIA as a “honey trap.” “It was run by McCord, that particular honey trap,” Bryant said, claiming that blackmail material became a motive for the break-in.

He rejected the idea that Nixon ordered the burglary. “Nixon did not order a break-in into the Watergate,” Bryant said. Instead, he alleged that White House counsel John Dean and campaign official Jeb Magruder “colluded together and sent those burglars into the Watergate.”

Bryant further claimed the burglars intended to get caught. “It was amazing! … It just shows their incompetence. No, it’s not their incompetence. They wanted to get busted,” he said. “They wanted to taint the Nixon administration.”

The discussion turned sharply toward Washington Post reporting. Bryant accused journalist Bob Woodward of concealing ties to naval intelligence and then–White House Chief of Staff Alexander Haig. “Woodward was a naval intelligence officer. He was briefing Haig in ’69 and ’70. He and Haig had a relationship, and that’s where the damaging information was coming from,” Bryant said.

He also challenged the identity of Deep Throat, long reported to be former FBI official Mark Felt. “Woodward rolled out Felt in 2005, and Felt was very far gone with Alzheimer’s,” Bryant said. “I don’t doubt that Felt gave Woodward some information, but the most damaging information came from Alexander Haig.”

Bryant extended his claims to former CIA Director Richard Helms and Watergate prosecutor Leon Jaworski, alleging CIA connections that shaped the investigation’s direction.

Throughout the interview, Ryan reacted with repeated expressions of surprise — “Wow!” — as Bryant described a web of intelligence ties reaching into the White House, the press and the prosecution.

Ultimately, Bryant summarized his thesis: “That’s kind of Watergate in a nutshell, is that there was a conspiracy within a conspiracy. Some of the burglars were going for blackmail material, but the CIA guys definitely wanted Nixon gone, and it ultimately came together.”

Ryan closed the episode by encouraging viewers to “share this everywhere you possibly can.”

Bryant’s account departs sharply from mainstream historical interpretations of Watergate. But in Ryan’s studio, it was presented as a sweeping reexamination of one of the most consequential political scandals in American history.

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THE HIVE AND THE HINTERLAND

Part V: The Network (With Public Records)? 

By Scott Perry

The Hive is not hidden. It is documented in public filings that are available to anyone who looks.

According to the North Carolina Secretary of State’s Principal Expense Reports, NC Sound Economy, Inc. reported cumulative combined lobbyist payments of $68,500 in 2017 and $45,000 in 2018, with 2018 payments reported to Parker Poe Adams & Bernstein LLP. These filings are publicly available through the North Carolina Secretary of State’s Lobbying Compliance Division database.[1]

Among the registered lobbyists listed during that reporting period was Nathan Babcock, as reflected in lobbyist registration disclosures for the same period.[2]

Lobbying is legal in North Carolina. Compensation for advocacy is legal. The relevance is not legality — it is scale, structure, and alignment.

Public records further show that North Carolina maintains a centralized state employee directory and personnel system.[3] When an individual appears in both state employment records and lobbyist registration databases during overlapping periods, the question is not accusation — it is transparency. North Carolina law governs lobbying activity and potential conflicts under Chapter 120C of the General Statutes.[4] Compliance is a matter of statutory adherence, and the public has the right to examine those boundaries.

Turning to campaign finance: all candidate committee reports, including itemized contributions, PAC donations, and reportable loans, are available through the North Carolina State Board of Elections Campaign Finance Reporting System.[5] These filings disclose:

• Direct contributions

• PAC contributions

• Independent expenditures

• Candidate loans

• Loans from individuals

But here’s where the system reveals its subtler edges: loans. They offer a veneer of immediacy—funds flow in, campaigns ignite—while donor identities can linger in the shadows. Repaid within the election cycle, these loans often evade the bright light of full disclosure until after key milestones. Take the push behind policies like the shrimp trawl ban, where endorsements from waterfront investors and development allies poured in as “loans” to aligned candidates. These backers, tied to the Hive’s network, structured repayments to land just after the March 3, 2026, primary—slipping past the frenzy of voter scrutiny.

Full donor details won’t surface until the end-of-quarter filing on March 31, 2026, when the first quarter closes and reports are due. It’s not evasion by accident; it’s the Hive using the rules to conceal its movements, buying silence in the critical weeks when races are won or lost. If any sitting legislators or their immediate family members appear as contributors or lenders in those reports—especially those linked to anti-trawl advocacy—the information will be visible. If they do not appear, that absence is equally verifiable. Documentation — not speculation — resolves the matter.

Commissioner of Agriculture Steve Troxler’s endorsements and policy alignment can be examined through North Carolina General Assembly bill records, sponsorship data, and voting histories.[6] Legislative archives provide searchable records of bill introductions, co-sponsors, and final votes.

North Carolina’s eminent domain authority is codified in Chapter 40A of the General Statutes.[7] The statute defines the legal framework for condemnation and public-use acquisition. No specific project is alleged here. The point is structural: once land-use policy becomes development-forward, statutory mechanisms already exist to implement those priorities.

The broader financial landscape can be reviewed in PAC contribution summaries through the State Board of Elections database.[8] Real estate, development, tourism, and regulated-industry PACs are consistently among the most active financial participants in North Carolina politics. Commercial fishing families do not operate comparable PAC infrastructures.

None of these citations alleges wrongdoing.

They establish:

• Lobbying payments occurred.

• Registrations were filed.

• Campaign finance reports are public.

• Eminent domain authority exists in statute.

• Legislative votes are archived.

The question is alignment.

When development-aligned interests are structurally organized, professionally represented, and financially coordinated — and working watermen are not — policy outcomes often reflect that imbalance.

The databases are public.

The filings are searchable.

The structure is visible.

THE HIVE’S DOCUMENTED STRUCTURE

Lobbying Payments

• $68,500 (2017) – NC Secretary of State Filing

• $45,000 (2018) – NC Secretary of State Filing

Registered Lobbyist Listed

• Nathan Babcock (Public Registration Record)

Dual Status Question

• Registered Lobbyist

• State Employee Listing

(Source: SOS + State HR Directories)

Campaign Finance Transparency

• All contributions, PAC money, and loans are publicly searchable

• NC State Board of Elections Database

Eminent Domain Authority

• Codified in NC General Statutes Chapter 40A

Legislative Records

• Bill sponsors and voting histories publicly archived

THE PATTERN

Development PACs

→ Professional Lobbying

→ Leadership Alignment

→ Regulatory Pressure

→ Waterfront Transformation

THE QUESTION

Is coastal policy being written for Working Watermen or Future Waterfront Investors?

The Quiet Calculus of Power

The Hive does not shout. It files paperwork. It registers. It reports. It donates. It lends—and repays just late enough to blur the trail. Every document cited above is public. Every database is searchable. The system does not hide its structure — it relies on the public not connecting it, or not looking until the damage is done.

When professional lobbying payments rise, when development-aligned PACs dominate campaign finance, when loans from shadowy endorsers fuel bans on shrimp trawling without immediate fingerprints, when leadership networks close ranks around preferred candidates, and when regulatory pressure falls hardest on independent producers, the direction of travel becomes clear. Working watermen are not losing because they are wrong.

They are losing because they are outnumbered in the rooms where policy is shaped—and outmaneuvered by a network that knows the filing deadlines better than the ballot box. The coast will either remain a working coastline — or it will become a curated coastline. Slogans will not make that decision. It will be made by money, structure, and voter awareness. The records are open. The pattern is visible. What remains unanswered is whether the Hinterland intends to remain quiet—or to read the filings, trace the loans, and act accordingly before March 31 seals the quarter’s secrets.

Footnotes

[1] North Carolina Secretary of State, Lobbying Compliance Division – Principal Expense Reports (Form PR-EZ, 4th Quarter 2017; 4th Quarter 2018)

https://www.sosnc.gov/divisions/lobbying

[2] North Carolina Secretary of State – Lobbyist Registration Search Portal

https://www.sosnc.gov/online_services/search/by_title/_Lobbyist

[3] North Carolina Office of State Human Resources – State Employee Directory

https://oshr.nc.gov

[4] North Carolina General Statutes §120C (Lobbying Law)

https://www.ncleg.gov/EnactedLegislation/Statutes/HTML/ByChapter/Chapter_120C.html

[5] North Carolina State Board of Elections – Campaign Finance Reporting System

https://cf.ncsbe.gov

[6] North Carolina General Assembly – Bill Lookup & Voting Records

https://www.ncleg.gov

[7] North Carolina General Statutes Chapter 40A – Eminent Domain

https://www.ncleg.gov/EnactedLegislation/Statutes/HTML/ByChapter/Chapter_40A.html

[8] North Carolina State Board of Elections – PAC Search

https://cf.ncsbe.gov/CFOrgLkup

Scott Perry is a local business leader, writer and historian.

Heroic Ministers and Surgeons of the Revolutionary War

By Keith Throckmorton

Many examples of dedicated Christians leave their comfort zones and incomes to serve God in

additional ways. There is a favorite hymn of mine that I often think about in how I live my life. The name of the hymn is “Give of Your Best to the Master.” It was written by Howard B. Grose and published in 1902. Excerpts from Stanza One says it all: “Give of your best to the Master; Give of the strength of your youth; Give him the best that you have.”

Some were trained surgeons who became ministers and served in the Revolutionary War. Serving double roles away from home during the war represented the message in “Give of Your Best to the Master.”

Congress appointed one Chaplain to each brigade on May 27, 1777. These chaplains were compensated with the same pay and rations as any army colonel. These chaplains were often armed; several had received medical training and served as surgeons in the colonial army.

These brave, patriotic heroes were dedicated to serving God and those fighting against Britain for our freedom. Their service to God and their fellow man was much more than Sunday morning church services in the comforts of their pulpits. They left their families and churches to serve the more significant cause of freedom from Britain.

One Chaplain serving in this double responsibility was David Avery. After receiving his medical training, Avery was dedicated to furthering his education, becoming a minister, and serving as a Chaplain during the Revolutionary War.

Avery entered Yale as a freshman in 1765. During this same year, Timothy Dwight, a brilliant thirteen-year-old, entered Yale as a medical student who would later serve as an army Chaplain during the Revolutionary War.

David Avery, a surgeon and a minister, served in the Revolutionary War. He provided his personal medical instruments and medicine to supplement the shortage of Army medical supplies. His courage was tremendous. Avery was known to be fearless in battle as he served the sick and wounded soldiers.

David Avery suffered the hardships and deprivations of army life with a cheerful attitude. Avery was a true patriot and loved his country. George Washington said, “David Avery was everything he wanted as a chaplain.” David Avery often accompanied George Washington and took meals with him. Timothy Dwight was a classmate of David Avery at Yale. He was brilliant and graduated as a surgeon at the age of seventeen.

At the age of nineteen, Dwight committed himself to God’s service. He was licensed as a minister in 1777 at the age of 25. Soon after, Dwight offered his services to the Revolutionary Army as a Chaplain. He was assigned to General Putnam’s brigade, where the General and his army quickly respected Dwight. Before the battle, this Chaplain preached a memorable sermon to the General and his leading officers.

The sermon text was from Joel 2:20: “I will remove far off from you the northern army.” General Putnam and his officers were inspired by Dwight’s message. As a result, General Putnam’s army was victorious in a battle on October 7, 1777. Putnam suspected that Dwight had revised the text to make his point.

One of Putnam’s officers showed Putnam a Bible, proving Dwight had not altered the words. General Putnam exclaimed, “Well, there is everything in that book, and Dwight knows where to lay his finger on it.”

Timothy Dwight left the army and became pastor at churches in Massachusetts and Connecticut. In 1795, Timothy Dwight was elected president of Yale College. He went on to become one of America’s theological leaders.

David Avery and Timothy Dwight, along with other chaplains during the Revolutionary War, “Gave of their best to the Master.” These chaplains fully served God outside of their comfort zones. They set an example for all.

Keith Throckmorton, Fairfax County Police (Retired and Chaplain), Hertford, NC